國際新秩序
2023復習正是強化復習階段，在考研英語中占了40分，所以考研英語閱讀是英語科目中重要的一項。名師老師曾建議過考研生需要堅持每天泛讀10-15分鐘的英文原刊。強烈推薦了雜志《經濟學人》.雜志中的文章也是考研英語的主要材料來源.希望考研考生認真閱讀，快速提高考研英語閱讀水平。 The new world order 國際新秩序 The post-Soviet world order was far from perfect,but Vladimir Putin s idea for replacing it is muchworse 后蘇聯時代世界秩序遠不夠完美，普京構建新秩序的想法卻更糟 IN PEOPLE S hearts and minds, Vladimir Putin told Russia s parliament this week, Crimeahas always been an inseparable part of Russia. 本周，普京在俄羅斯議會發表演說時表示在人民的心目中，克里米亞始終是俄羅斯不可分割的一部分。 He annexed the peninsula with dazzling speed and efficiency, backed by a crushingmajority in a referendum. 普京以迅雷不及掩耳之勢吞并克里米亞半島，且在公民投票中獲得壓倒性支持。 He calls it a victory for order and legitimacy and a blow against Western meddling. 他將之稱為秩序和法律的勝利，這是對西方干預的打擊。 The reality is that Mr Putin is a force for instability and strife. 而事實上，普京是世界不穩定和沖突的根源。 The founding act of his new order was to redraw a frontier using arguments that could bedeployed to inflame territorial disputes in dozens of places around the world. 其建立世界新秩序的挑釁行為意在重新劃定邊界，而這一舉動的理由可能導致世界上諸多地區陷入領土爭端。 Even if most Crimeans do want to joinRussia, the referendum was a farce. 即便大部分克里米亞人民希望加入俄羅斯，此次公投也只是場鬧劇。 Russia s recent conduct is often framed narrowly as the start of a new cold war withAmerica. 俄羅斯進來的舉動常被狹隘地定義為向美國發起的一場新冷戰。 In fact it poses a broader threat to countries everywhere because Mr Putin has driven a tankover the existing world order. 事實上，這些舉動對世界各國均造成了威脅，因為在現有世界秩序下，普京開著坦克耀武揚威。 The embrace of the motherland 擁抱祖國 Foreign policy follows cycles. 縱觀歷史，各國外交政策此消彼長，周而復始。 The Soviet collapse ushered in a decade of unchallenged supremacy for theUnitedStatesand the aggressive assertion of American values. 上世紀隨著蘇聯解體，美國迎來了十年的超級霸主地位，隨之而來的是美國價值觀下的侵略要求。 But, puffed up by the hubris of George Bush, this unipolar world choked in the dust ofIraq. 但是，由于小布什傲慢的極度膨脹，單極世界湮滅在伊拉克戰場的塵土之中。 Since then Barack Obama has tried to fashion a more collaborative approach, built on abelief that America can make common cause with other countries to confront sharedproblems and isolate wrongdoers. 奧巴馬入主白宮后傾向于更具合作性的政策，同其他國家聯合應對共同面臨的問題，如有必要孤立惹是生非者。 This has failed miserably in Syria but shown some signs of working with Iran. 奧巴馬的政策在敘利亞遭遇重挫，轉而流露出同伊朗合作的跡象。 Even in its gentler form, it is American clout that keeps sea lanes open, borders respectedand international law broadly observed. To that extent, the post-Soviet order has meaning. 即便是持以溫和姿態，國際航運、國際邊界、國際法律也是在美國的周旋下得以維持。如此說來，后蘇聯秩序意義非凡。 Mr Putin is now destroying that. He dresses up his takeover of Crimea in the garb ofinternational law, arguing for instance that the ousting of the government in Kiev means he isno longer bound by a treaty guaranteeing Ukraine s borders that Russiasigned in 1994, whenUkraine gave up nuclear weapons. 現在，普京正在破壞這一秩序，他假借國際法之名接管克里米亞，并堅稱推翻烏克蘭政府職權意味著俄羅斯無需繼續遵守俄烏兩國于1994年簽署的邊界條約，這一條約是烏克蘭承諾放棄核武器計劃時簽訂的。 But international law depends on governments inheriting the rights and duties of theirpredecessors. 但是，國際法有賴于新政府繼承往屆政府的職責和權力。 Similarly, he has invoked the principle that he must protect his compatriots meaninganybody he chooses to define as Russianwherever they are. 同樣，普京援用自己必須保護同胞的原則，可能是任何他選定的俄羅斯人，無論那些同胞在哪。 Against all evidence, he has denied that the unbadged troops who took control of Crimeawere Russian. 盡管種種證據都指向他，普京依舊否認那些控制克里米亞而未佩戴肩章的軍士為俄國軍隊。 That combination of protection and subterfuge is a formula for intervention in anycountry with a minority, not just a Russian one. 打著保護的旗幟，卻以各種托詞否認事實是強國干涉任何弱勢國家的慣用伎倆，不止是俄羅斯一國如此。 Brandishing fabricated accounts of Ukrainian fascists threatening Crimea, he has defied theprinciple that intervention abroad should be a last resort in the face of genuine suffering. 干涉他國事物是在該國真正陷入困境時的不得已而為之的手段，對此不以為然的普京強詞奪理，稱烏克蘭法西斯威脅著克里米亞地區。 He cites NATO s bombing of Kosovo in 1999 as a precedent, but that came after terribleviolence and exhaustive efforts at the UNwhichRussiablocked. 普京將1999年北約轟炸科索沃作為前車之鑒，但那次事件是由于俄羅斯阻撓，導致嚴重暴力事件的發生、且在聯合國協商僵持不下之后的惡果。 Even then Kosovo was not, like Crimea, immediately annexed, but seceded nine years later. 即便是科索沃也不像這次克里米亞事件一樣，前者是事發九年后才被吞并，而后在幾乎是在一念之間便發生了。 Mr Putin s new order, in short, is built on revanchism, a reckless disdain for the truth andthe twisting of the law to mean whatever suits those in power. 簡而言之，普京的新世界秩序是建立在復仇主義的基礎上，這一粗暴無視事實及曲解國際法的行徑，意圖再明顯不過，即滿足掌權者的需求。 That makes it no order at all. 這也就導致世界毫無秩序可言。 Sadly, too few people understand this. 悲哀的是，幾乎沒有人看透這一點。 Plenty of countries resent American primacy and Western moralising. 美國世界霸主地位及西方國家說教，都讓很多國家深惡痛疾。 But they would find Mr Putin s new order far worse. 但是，他們會發現普京的新秩序或許更糟。 Small countries thrive in an open system of rules, albeit imperfect ones. 在開放的世界體系中，盡管這一體系并不完美，但小國終歸還是得以繁榮。 If might is right, they have much to fear, especially if they must contend with anaggressive regional power. 或許，如果這一思路是對的，小國們就得提高警惕了，尤其是他們需要同一個侵略性十足的地區霸主相抗衡的時候。 Larger countries, especially the new giants of the emerging world, face less threat ofbullying, but an anarchic, mistrustful world would harm them all the same. 大國，尤其是新興世界的新寡頭將不會面臨太多欺凌，但是一個混亂、互相失去信任的國家對他們來說同樣不利。 If international agreements are robbed of their meaning, India could more easily be suckedinto a clash of arms with Chinaover Arunachal Pradesh or Ladakh with Pakistan. 如果國際條約不再具有其原有的意義，印度可能會輕易就阿魯那恰爾邦爭端同中國短兵相接，或是就拉達克問題同巴基斯坦兵刃相見。 If unilateral secession is acceptable, Turkeywill find it harder to persuade its Kurds thattheir future lies in making peace. 如果單邊分離可以為人所接受，土耳其游說庫爾德人雙方未來會走向和平勢必會更加困難。 Egypt andSaudi Arabia wantIran s regional ambitions to be tamped down, not fed by theprinciple that it can intervene to help Shia Muslims across theMiddle East. 埃及、沙特阿拉伯希望伊朗控制一下區域野心，不要認為自己能夠通過干涉，達到支持整個中東國家的什葉派穆斯林。 Even Chinashould pause. 即便是中國也要設身處地的想一想。 Tactically,Crimeaties it in knots. 從戰術層面來講克里米亞問題同其息息相關。 The precedent of secession is anathema, because of Tibet; the principle of unification issacrosanct, because ofTaiwan. 因為西藏問題，不幸中國已有了分離的先例;因為臺灣問題，中國統一的原則神圣不可侵犯。 Strategically, though,China s interests are clear. 盡管從戰略層面來講，中國的利益十分明晰。 For decades, it has sought to rise peacefully within the system, avoiding the competitionthat an upstart Germany launched against Britain in the 19th century and which ended in war. 數十年來，中國在其現有體制下尋求和平崛起，避免像十九世紀時德國為同英國展開競爭，最終導致戰爭的情況出現。 But peace is elusive in Mr Putin s world, because anything can become a pretext for action,and any perceived aggression demands a riposte. 但是，和平在普京的字典里定義模棱兩可，因為任何理由都可能成為他展開行動的托詞，任何潛在的侵略都需要予以打擊。 Act now or pay later 要么現在展開行動，要么以后付出代價 For Mr Obama, this is a defining moment: he must lead, not just co-operate. 對于奧巴馬來說，這是個關鍵性時刻：他需要扮演領導者的角色，而不僅僅是合作伙伴。 But Crimeashould also matter to the rest of the world. 但是，對于世界其他國家，克里米亞問題同樣至關重要。 Given what is at stake, the response has so far been weak andfragmented.ChinaandIndiahave more or less stood aside. 考慮到現在一觸即發的局勢，世界各國對于克里米亞問題反應仍舊太過無力、且四分五裂。 The West has imposed visa sanctions and frozen a few Russians assets. 中國和印度或多或少都會采取隔岸觀火的態勢，西方已經對俄羅斯采取簽證限制、凍結少數俄羅斯人的資產等制裁措施。 The targets call this a badge of honour. 被制裁的俄羅斯人反而覺得這是一種榮譽的象征。 At the very least, the measures must start to exceed expectations. 至少，現在制裁措施應該超出人們預期。 Asset freezes can be powerful, because, as the Iransanctions showed, international financedreads being caught up in America s regulatory machinery. 資產凍結極為有效，因為隨著對伊朗的相關制裁措施效果顯現，國際資金擔心會被美國的監管機制逮個正著。 Mr Putin s kleptocratic friends would yelp if Britainmade Londonunwelcome to Russian moneylinked to the regime. 如果英國表示不歡迎俄羅斯的資金同其政府有太多牽涉，普京那些貪腐政界友人勢必會抓狂。 France should withhold its arms sales toRussia; and, in case eastern Ukraine isnext,Germany must be prepared to embargo Russian oil and gas. 法國應該停止對俄軍售;德國應該時刻準備對俄實行油氣禁運，以防烏克蘭東部同樣會被俄羅斯吞并。 Planning should start right now to lessenEurope s dependence on Russian energy and tostrengthen NATO. 現在應該立即著手準備，減輕歐洲隊俄羅斯能源的依賴，強化北約的作用。 Ukraineneeds short-term money, to stave off collapse, and longer-term reforms, with thehelp of the IMF, backed by as much outside advice as the country will stomach. 為避免經濟崩潰，烏克蘭需要短期資金救濟，而從長遠來看，烏克蘭需要改革。在世界貨幣基金組織的幫助下，在外界諸多建議的支持下，烏克蘭會走出困境。 As a first step,America must immediately pay its dues to the fund, which have been blockedby Congress for months. 首先，美國應該立即繳納IMF的會費資金，該資金由于國會阻撓已拖延數月。 Even if the West is prepared to take serious measures against Mr Putin, the world s risingpowers may not be inclined to condemn him. 即便西方準備對普京采取嚴厲制裁措施，世界上大的發展中國家或許不會遷怒于普京。 But instead of acquiescing in his illegal annexation of Crimea, they should reflect on whatkind of a world order they want to live under. 但是，除了默許普京非法吞并克里米亞，他們應該反思自己想要生活在一個什么樣的世界秩序下。 Would they prefer one in which states by and large respect international agreements andborders? 他們是愿意呆在一個大體上尊重國際協議和邊界的秩序下? Or one in which words are bent, borders ignored and agreements broken at will? 還是愿意呆在一個可以肆意曲解承諾、無視邊界、破壞協議的秩序下? 詞語解釋 1.territorial dispute 領土爭端 In 2010 it settled a territorial dispute withnorway. 2010年，俄羅斯還與挪威解決了一項領土爭端。 China seemed to harden its stance over theterritorial dispute. 而中國在領土糾紛問題上的姿態似乎有所強化。 2.work with 從事工作 Companies also work with intermediaries that try to circulate good ideas. 公司們也與試圖傳播好主意的中介機構合作。 For now, it s worth noting that italy s new government has a few things to work with as ittries to make things right. 眼下需要指出的是，意大利新一屆政府要改善局勢，手頭要做的工作可不少。 3.dress up 打扮;穿上特殊服裝 Why do individuals dress up for an interview? 為什么人們要精心打扮前去面試? They dress up as ghosts, witches or frightening dracula. 他們裝扮成鬼、巫婆或者可怕的吸血鬼。 4.argue for 為...辯護 They argue for the potential of a meltdown in chinese economic activity. 他們認為中國將面臨這經濟崩潰。 Another possibility would be to argue for higher taxes. 另一種可能是，主張提高稅率。
2023復習正是強化復習階段，在考研英語中占了40分，所以考研英語閱讀是英語科目中重要的一項。名師老師曾建議過考研生需要堅持每天泛讀10-15分鐘的英文原刊。強烈推薦了雜志《經濟學人》.雜志中的文章也是考研英語的主要材料來源.希望考研考生認真閱讀，快速提高考研英語閱讀水平。 The new world order 國際新秩序 The post-Soviet world order was far from perfect,but Vladimir Putin s idea for replacing it is muchworse 后蘇聯時代世界秩序遠不夠完美，普京構建新秩序的想法卻更糟 IN PEOPLE S hearts and minds, Vladimir Putin told Russia s parliament this week, Crimeahas always been an inseparable part of Russia. 本周，普京在俄羅斯議會發表演說時表示在人民的心目中，克里米亞始終是俄羅斯不可分割的一部分。 He annexed the peninsula with dazzling speed and efficiency, backed by a crushingmajority in a referendum. 普京以迅雷不及掩耳之勢吞并克里米亞半島，且在公民投票中獲得壓倒性支持。 He calls it a victory for order and legitimacy and a blow against Western meddling. 他將之稱為秩序和法律的勝利，這是對西方干預的打擊。 The reality is that Mr Putin is a force for instability and strife. 而事實上，普京是世界不穩定和沖突的根源。 The founding act of his new order was to redraw a frontier using arguments that could bedeployed to inflame territorial disputes in dozens of places around the world. 其建立世界新秩序的挑釁行為意在重新劃定邊界，而這一舉動的理由可能導致世界上諸多地區陷入領土爭端。 Even if most Crimeans do want to joinRussia, the referendum was a farce. 即便大部分克里米亞人民希望加入俄羅斯，此次公投也只是場鬧劇。 Russia s recent conduct is often framed narrowly as the start of a new cold war withAmerica. 俄羅斯進來的舉動常被狹隘地定義為向美國發起的一場新冷戰。 In fact it poses a broader threat to countries everywhere because Mr Putin has driven a tankover the existing world order. 事實上，這些舉動對世界各國均造成了威脅，因為在現有世界秩序下，普京開著坦克耀武揚威。 The embrace of the motherland 擁抱祖國 Foreign policy follows cycles. 縱觀歷史，各國外交政策此消彼長，周而復始。 The Soviet collapse ushered in a decade of unchallenged supremacy for theUnitedStatesand the aggressive assertion of American values. 上世紀隨著蘇聯解體，美國迎來了十年的超級霸主地位，隨之而來的是美國價值觀下的侵略要求。 But, puffed up by the hubris of George Bush, this unipolar world choked in the dust ofIraq. 但是，由于小布什傲慢的極度膨脹，單極世界湮滅在伊拉克戰場的塵土之中。 Since then Barack Obama has tried to fashion a more collaborative approach, built on abelief that America can make common cause with other countries to confront sharedproblems and isolate wrongdoers. 奧巴馬入主白宮后傾向于更具合作性的政策，同其他國家聯合應對共同面臨的問題，如有必要孤立惹是生非者。 This has failed miserably in Syria but shown some signs of working with Iran. 奧巴馬的政策在敘利亞遭遇重挫，轉而流露出同伊朗合作的跡象。 Even in its gentler form, it is American clout that keeps sea lanes open, borders respectedand international law broadly observed. To that extent, the post-Soviet order has meaning. 即便是持以溫和姿態，國際航運、國際邊界、國際法律也是在美國的周旋下得以維持。如此說來，后蘇聯秩序意義非凡。 Mr Putin is now destroying that. He dresses up his takeover of Crimea in the garb ofinternational law, arguing for instance that the ousting of the government in Kiev means he isno longer bound by a treaty guaranteeing Ukraine s borders that Russiasigned in 1994, whenUkraine gave up nuclear weapons. 現在，普京正在破壞這一秩序，他假借國際法之名接管克里米亞，并堅稱推翻烏克蘭政府職權意味著俄羅斯無需繼續遵守俄烏兩國于1994年簽署的邊界條約，這一條約是烏克蘭承諾放棄核武器計劃時簽訂的。 But international law depends on governments inheriting the rights and duties of theirpredecessors. 但是，國際法有賴于新政府繼承往屆政府的職責和權力。 Similarly, he has invoked the principle that he must protect his compatriots meaninganybody he chooses to define as Russianwherever they are. 同樣，普京援用自己必須保護同胞的原則，可能是任何他選定的俄羅斯人，無論那些同胞在哪。 Against all evidence, he has denied that the unbadged troops who took control of Crimeawere Russian. 盡管種種證據都指向他，普京依舊否認那些控制克里米亞而未佩戴肩章的軍士為俄國軍隊。 That combination of protection and subterfuge is a formula for intervention in anycountry with a minority, not just a Russian one. 打著保護的旗幟，卻以各種托詞否認事實是強國干涉任何弱勢國家的慣用伎倆，不止是俄羅斯一國如此。 Brandishing fabricated accounts of Ukrainian fascists threatening Crimea, he has defied theprinciple that intervention abroad should be a last resort in the face of genuine suffering. 干涉他國事物是在該國真正陷入困境時的不得已而為之的手段，對此不以為然的普京強詞奪理，稱烏克蘭法西斯威脅著克里米亞地區。 He cites NATO s bombing of Kosovo in 1999 as a precedent, but that came after terribleviolence and exhaustive efforts at the UNwhichRussiablocked. 普京將1999年北約轟炸科索沃作為前車之鑒，但那次事件是由于俄羅斯阻撓，導致嚴重暴力事件的發生、且在聯合國協商僵持不下之后的惡果。 Even then Kosovo was not, like Crimea, immediately annexed, but seceded nine years later. 即便是科索沃也不像這次克里米亞事件一樣，前者是事發九年后才被吞并，而后在幾乎是在一念之間便發生了。 Mr Putin s new order, in short, is built on revanchism, a reckless disdain for the truth andthe twisting of the law to mean whatever suits those in power. 簡而言之，普京的新世界秩序是建立在復仇主義的基礎上，這一粗暴無視事實及曲解國際法的行徑，意圖再明顯不過，即滿足掌權者的需求。 That makes it no order at all. 這也就導致世界毫無秩序可言。 Sadly, too few people understand this. 悲哀的是，幾乎沒有人看透這一點。 Plenty of countries resent American primacy and Western moralising. 美國世界霸主地位及西方國家說教，都讓很多國家深惡痛疾。 But they would find Mr Putin s new order far worse. 但是，他們會發現普京的新秩序或許更糟。 Small countries thrive in an open system of rules, albeit imperfect ones. 在開放的世界體系中，盡管這一體系并不完美，但小國終歸還是得以繁榮。 If might is right, they have much to fear, especially if they must contend with anaggressive regional power. 或許，如果這一思路是對的，小國們就得提高警惕了，尤其是他們需要同一個侵略性十足的地區霸主相抗衡的時候。 Larger countries, especially the new giants of the emerging world, face less threat ofbullying, but an anarchic, mistrustful world would harm them all the same. 大國，尤其是新興世界的新寡頭將不會面臨太多欺凌，但是一個混亂、互相失去信任的國家對他們來說同樣不利。 If international agreements are robbed of their meaning, India could more easily be suckedinto a clash of arms with Chinaover Arunachal Pradesh or Ladakh with Pakistan. 如果國際條約不再具有其原有的意義，印度可能會輕易就阿魯那恰爾邦爭端同中國短兵相接，或是就拉達克問題同巴基斯坦兵刃相見。 If unilateral secession is acceptable, Turkeywill find it harder to persuade its Kurds thattheir future lies in making peace. 如果單邊分離可以為人所接受，土耳其游說庫爾德人雙方未來會走向和平勢必會更加困難。 Egypt andSaudi Arabia wantIran s regional ambitions to be tamped down, not fed by theprinciple that it can intervene to help Shia Muslims across theMiddle East. 埃及、沙特阿拉伯希望伊朗控制一下區域野心，不要認為自己能夠通過干涉，達到支持整個中東國家的什葉派穆斯林。 Even Chinashould pause. 即便是中國也要設身處地的想一想。 Tactically,Crimeaties it in knots. 從戰術層面來講克里米亞問題同其息息相關。 The precedent of secession is anathema, because of Tibet; the principle of unification issacrosanct, because ofTaiwan. 因為西藏問題，不幸中國已有了分離的先例;因為臺灣問題，中國統一的原則神圣不可侵犯。 Strategically, though,China s interests are clear. 盡管從戰略層面來講，中國的利益十分明晰。 For decades, it has sought to rise peacefully within the system, avoiding the competitionthat an upstart Germany launched against Britain in the 19th century and which ended in war. 數十年來，中國在其現有體制下尋求和平崛起，避免像十九世紀時德國為同英國展開競爭，最終導致戰爭的情況出現。 But peace is elusive in Mr Putin s world, because anything can become a pretext for action,and any perceived aggression demands a riposte. 但是，和平在普京的字典里定義模棱兩可，因為任何理由都可能成為他展開行動的托詞，任何潛在的侵略都需要予以打擊。 Act now or pay later 要么現在展開行動，要么以后付出代價 For Mr Obama, this is a defining moment: he must lead, not just co-operate. 對于奧巴馬來說，這是個關鍵性時刻：他需要扮演領導者的角色，而不僅僅是合作伙伴。 But Crimeashould also matter to the rest of the world. 但是，對于世界其他國家，克里米亞問題同樣至關重要。 Given what is at stake, the response has so far been weak andfragmented.ChinaandIndiahave more or less stood aside. 考慮到現在一觸即發的局勢，世界各國對于克里米亞問題反應仍舊太過無力、且四分五裂。 The West has imposed visa sanctions and frozen a few Russians assets. 中國和印度或多或少都會采取隔岸觀火的態勢，西方已經對俄羅斯采取簽證限制、凍結少數俄羅斯人的資產等制裁措施。 The targets call this a badge of honour. 被制裁的俄羅斯人反而覺得這是一種榮譽的象征。 At the very least, the measures must start to exceed expectations. 至少，現在制裁措施應該超出人們預期。 Asset freezes can be powerful, because, as the Iransanctions showed, international financedreads being caught up in America s regulatory machinery. 資產凍結極為有效，因為隨著對伊朗的相關制裁措施效果顯現，國際資金擔心會被美國的監管機制逮個正著。 Mr Putin s kleptocratic friends would yelp if Britainmade Londonunwelcome to Russian moneylinked to the regime. 如果英國表示不歡迎俄羅斯的資金同其政府有太多牽涉，普京那些貪腐政界友人勢必會抓狂。 France should withhold its arms sales toRussia; and, in case eastern Ukraine isnext,Germany must be prepared to embargo Russian oil and gas. 法國應該停止對俄軍售;德國應該時刻準備對俄實行油氣禁運，以防烏克蘭東部同樣會被俄羅斯吞并。 Planning should start right now to lessenEurope s dependence on Russian energy and tostrengthen NATO. 現在應該立即著手準備，減輕歐洲隊俄羅斯能源的依賴，強化北約的作用。 Ukraineneeds short-term money, to stave off collapse, and longer-term reforms, with thehelp of the IMF, backed by as much outside advice as the country will stomach. 為避免經濟崩潰，烏克蘭需要短期資金救濟，而從長遠來看，烏克蘭需要改革。在世界貨幣基金組織的幫助下，在外界諸多建議的支持下，烏克蘭會走出困境。 As a first step,America must immediately pay its dues to the fund, which have been blockedby Congress for months. 首先，美國應該立即繳納IMF的會費資金，該資金由于國會阻撓已拖延數月。 Even if the West is prepared to take serious measures against Mr Putin, the world s risingpowers may not be inclined to condemn him. 即便西方準備對普京采取嚴厲制裁措施，世界上大的發展中國家或許不會遷怒于普京。 But instead of acquiescing in his illegal annexation of Crimea, they should reflect on whatkind of a world order they want to live under. 但是，除了默許普京非法吞并克里米亞，他們應該反思自己想要生活在一個什么樣的世界秩序下。 Would they prefer one in which states by and large respect international agreements andborders? 他們是愿意呆在一個大體上尊重國際協議和邊界的秩序下? Or one in which words are bent, borders ignored and agreements broken at will? 還是愿意呆在一個可以肆意曲解承諾、無視邊界、破壞協議的秩序下? 詞語解釋 1.territorial dispute 領土爭端 In 2010 it settled a territorial dispute withnorway. 2010年，俄羅斯還與挪威解決了一項領土爭端。 China seemed to harden its stance over theterritorial dispute. 而中國在領土糾紛問題上的姿態似乎有所強化。 2.work with 從事工作 Companies also work with intermediaries that try to circulate good ideas. 公司們也與試圖傳播好主意的中介機構合作。 For now, it s worth noting that italy s new government has a few things to work with as ittries to make things right. 眼下需要指出的是，意大利新一屆政府要改善局勢，手頭要做的工作可不少。 3.dress up 打扮;穿上特殊服裝 Why do individuals dress up for an interview? 為什么人們要精心打扮前去面試? They dress up as ghosts, witches or frightening dracula. 他們裝扮成鬼、巫婆或者可怕的吸血鬼。 4.argue for 為...辯護 They argue for the potential of a meltdown in chinese economic activity. 他們認為中國將面臨這經濟崩潰。 Another possibility would be to argue for higher taxes. 另一種可能是，主張提高稅率。
